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IBM Controls the Nordic Viking Genome

In 1998, Iceland created the world's first national DNA database of its citizens. Almost all of its 275,000 citizens trace their lineages to the original Nordic Vikings of a prior millennium. In a unique arrangement, Iceland's national genetic code was sold to the genetic research and pharmacogenetic industries through an entity called deCODE Genetics. Less than 8 percent of Iceland's population opted out of the voluntary program, hence deCODE possesses virtually a complete national genetic and hereditary portrait of Iceland. Scientists at deCODE are currently utilizing the information in their study of a range of debilitating condition, including respiratory and muscular disease. Safeguards have been built into the program to conceal individuals' names. But at least one Icelander has sued the government to have her father's genetic history removed. As of March 2003, the case is still winding its way through Icelandic courts. Iceland's national genomic information will be made available to a wide variety of scientific, commercial and governmental entities in an Internet-based system that employs massive data storage drives codenamed "Shark." 31

One main company manages and controls Iceland's genetic data. That company is already positioned to become the worldwide manager and disseminator of all genomic information globally. In anticipation of that day, the company currently operates genomic offices in California, New York, Zurich, Haifa, New Delhi and Tokyo. The name of the company is IBM. Its Iceland project operates under a division known as "Life Services - Nordic." 32 

War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race. By Edwin Black. Pg. 439

Related Archive:

http://ce399.typepad.com/weblog/2009/08/humans-are-extinct-part-two.html

Plan 156 from Intra-Space

Balok

Plan 93 from Outer Space

"Like a vast network , the iridescent tendrils of our occult complex spread across the land, linking such centres as are located in California, Florida, North Carolina, Chicago, and New York. These dynamic centres of Thelema receive their vivifying current through our World centre in England." Such was the message of Janice Ayers in 'Sothis' I;2, in September 1977.

...

Crowley's erstwhile secretary Kenneth Grant (who claims to have formed a link to his 'angel' Aossic, and so calls himself Aossic, Ossik, or A'ashik) has - together with his followers - developed a more or less comprehensible outline of a 'new' cosmos on this basis. Interested readers are referred to Grant's books, many of which remain in print. [7] In this article we shall be concentrating on Grant's resulting theoretical expansion of Crowley's demonology. The latter never seems to have regarded angels or demons as very definite beings; for him, they ruled the material world, and were useful for things like getting hold of money. Under Grant's influence they were elaborated into complex transcendental schemes of alternate dimensions outside the circles of space and time. "The terrestrial vehicle is an outcropping in three dimensions of the Angel: the Angel is the fountain of living waters which empowers the terrestrial vehicle." [8] Through contact with this fountain, the Holy Guardian Angel (HGA) opens the gate of remembrance of our supernatural reality, what Grant calls "the continuum often glyphed as the Goddess of which we are terrestrial facets." [9] Grant and his adherents 'remember' the origins of Be-ing [10] and have constructed a remarkably complicated collection of metaphors drawn from sources such as the Qabalah, H.P. Lovecraft, [11] Salvador Dalí, Michael P. Bertiaux, Austin Osman Spare, [12] Lemuria, Atlantis, extraterrestrial visitors from Sirius, the promotion of at least one new 'New Aeon', and a whole shoal of 'revelations'. 

Grant placed great emphasis on the development of a IX° 'dream-control' technique, borrowed from Thomas Lake Harris, and introduced into the Crowleyan O.T.O. by Ida Nellidorf under the name of "eroto-comatose lucidity." Before going to sleep the sexual energies were first raised by constant sexual stimulation without orgasm, and then concentrated onto a talisman bearing a requisite symbol, so that in its dreams, the aroused libido would copulate with a dream-partner. The talisman would thus become magically charged, and would make a particular wish - be it for gold or Gnosis - come true.

...

The Cult of Lam and Michael Staley, Grant's London amanuensis.

The 1919 portrait of Lam drawn by Crowley came into Grant's possession in 1945. Crowley never published any explanation of the image, and this allowed for the development of a distinct 'Lam cult'. For this article, Michael Staley provided the following detail in June 2001: "The point is that Crowley says nothing about Lam in his published writing; whether or not there is anything unpublished, I don't know. Interestingly, I have come across an account by an American visitor to Crowley's flat in Jermyn Street, London, in 1941 or thereabouts, who says that the portrait [he doesn't say who it is, but his description of it - he found it repulsive - leaves no doubt] was on Crowley's wall. When the visitor asked who or what it was, Crowley said that it was a portrait of his guru."

In the 1990's this cult (described as the "quintessence of the Typhonian O.T.O. tradition") was supposed to be a manifestation of the Hidden praeternatural/supernatural God or Holy Guardian Angel (HGA), who united the natural with the supernatural. Contact with this HGA was identical to an entry into the Aeon of Ma'at, or the extra-terrestrial continuum. [17] "In my view Lam is the mask of a dynamic state of [extra-terrestrial] [18] gnosis, rather than simply an entity." [19] Staley interested himself in Lam as a state of Gnosis, although he admitted that this state could sometimes also take the nature of an entity's mask; but he would break through these masks.

Crowley's (feminine?) Hoor-paar-kraat (Set) was again understood as the HGA; in the Tetragrammaton YHVH Ra-Hoor-Khuit (Horus) corresponded with the Vav, and Hoor-paar-kraat to the Heh final. "This identifies Hoor-paar-kraat with the Aeon of Ma'at." [20] Lam 'sits' in the Muladhara Chakra's Bija-Mantra, where the Fiery Serpent (or Kundalini) waits to uncoil. The 'optical' union with Lam took place in Lam's eyes, the region of the Ajna-Chakra (and also the seat of the will). [21] According to Crowley this corresponded to a sex-magical act in which one became conscious of the Ajna and Muladhara Chakras during orgasm. [22]

Contact with the HGA was defined as the stage of "reaching critical mass" after doing intensive Abramelin or Liber Samekh exercises. The HGA is the sum total of experience, gathered into this critical mass and then able to take on spontaneous form. [23]

This contact with the HGA - whether experienced in concrete exterior form, or as the aspirant's spiritual Higher Self - corresponded with the start of 'occult puberty'. [24] For an occultist, it meant that there was no longer any distinction between inner and outer. Evolution demanded that one cast off such old mental habits, [25] and that humanity should become non-human, as in Crowley's A*A*, where a kind of superman hatched from the Egg or Babe of the Abyss (that is, the concept of dissolution in occult Qabalah, the bridge between human and divine).

Freed of Ego, only this new human creature can help human evolution, and perhaps even that of the universe. ['Babe of the Abyss'; the whole point being that the Kabbalistic Abyss is the ultimate womb from which the soul is born before progressing to the Supernal Triad of sefiroth (Kether, Chokmah, and Binah) on the Tree of Life. After being born from the Abyss, it first reaches Binah, the 'Magna Mater'.]

For Staley, magic is primarily a matter of communicating with non-human entities. However, such entities are not to be found outside human beings, as man and the universe are one - both are aspects of the universe. [26] Staley found better comprehension of this through the Sanskrit concept of Advaita or "not-divided", and in the Prajnaparamita-Buddhist "Sunyavada". At one stage Staley worked with a Lam-Serpent Sadhana, in which the Lam-Serpent was visualised as the Kundalini surmounted by Lam's head. [27] This Lam-Serpent uncoiled itself along the sushumna, while the chakras were visualised, and the Bija-Mantras were vibrated. According to Staley the 'secret' of sex-magic resided solely in the fact "that matter is malleable and can be influenced by sustained, intense visualisation; the potency of this visualisation can be increased by the directed sexual current." [28]

The HGA functioned as the mediator and boundary station between the terrestrial and the infinite. With the HGA projected as the Egregore outside the individuality, the HGA can be used to communicate with the 'Secret Chiefs'; using the occult technique of 'Assuming a God-Form' one becomes an angel/egregore among other angels/egregores.

...

26. In Thelemic terms, the magician expels his blood into the chalice of Babalon. Babalon (or Venus, see Crowley's "Vision and the Voice", 1909) has been the (sometimes masculine) Scarlet Whore of Revelation; her number, 156, is equated Kabbalistically with 'constant copulation' and 'samadhi'. 

(excerpt)

Full Article and Hyperlinks:

http://user.cyberlink.ch/~koenig/lam.htm

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"Erase This God Damn Thing"

How I Learned To Stop Worrying And Love The Eugenic Bomb? (Part Three)

When in the early 1990's the U.S. government-funded Human Genome Diversity Project (HGDP) drafted plans for a large genetic database of distinct ethnic populations, it was met with a great deal of controversy and criticism.  Led by scientists such as Luca Cavalli-Sforza and Allan Wilson - both pioneers in the field of population genetics - the HGDP's original aim was to collect DNA from individuals of genetically isolated populations around the world in order to reconstruct the evolutionary path of humankind.  But the initial planning sessions, which were funded by the U.S. National Science Foundation, the National Human Genome Research Center, the National Institute for General Medical Sciences, and the DoE, quickly became mired in disagreements over which populations to choose for sampling and the best way to define what population means in this context, a context that is as much cultural and anthropological as it is scientific. In addition, groups such as the Rural Advancement Foundation International (RAFI) and Third World Network voiced their concern over the possible implications of such research for those largely indigenous communities who would have their genetic material housed in cell lines in the U.S. institutes. Although HGDP committee members denied that there is any economic motive behind their proposal, critics expressed concern over the way in which indigenous communities were effectively cut out of the planning process.

The controversy was further fueled in 1993 by related but independent incidents. U.S. scientists, with NIH funding, had applied for patents on the genetic material of a Guyami woman from Panama, only with the woman's "verbal consent." A similar case was found with a cell line derived from a Hagahai man from New Guinea. Such instances seemed to RAFI and other groups as an explicit example of colonialism, but now practiced on human genetic material instead of on territories or on natural resources. Native American groups in the United States accused the HGDP of practicing biocolonialism, a term that has been used frequently in describing the practice of sampling genetic material for potential genes of value (be it medical or economic value).  The governments of Panama and the Solomon Islands separately protested to the international community over the patents (one of which was subsequently dropped), and indigenous communities, nongovernmental organizations, and South Pacific governments lobbied for a "lifeforms patent protection treaty." 

At the same time, in the midst of mounting tensions over the HGDP, the World Council of Indigenous Peoples publicly criticized the HGDP, dubbing it the "Vampire Project." Such concern and dissent forced the HGDP committee to draft up a set of "model ethical protocols" (MEPs), and in 1993 the HGDP formed the North American Regional Committee, whose aim was to come up with acceptable criteria for the collection of genetic material from human populations. Written in consultation with leaders from indigenous communities in the United States (because Native American tribes were one major target of the HGDP), the MEP's stressed "informed consent" and the importance of cultural as well as scientific understanding. Since the time, however, the HGDP has been conspicuously silent, and despite the flurry of news items and press releases relating to the various genome mapping endeavors around the world - both government and corporate sponsored - there has been relatively no news or updates on the HGDP's progress.

...bioinformatics involves the use of computer and networking technologies in the organization of updated, networked, and interactive genomic databases being used by research institutions, the biotech industry, medical genetics, and the pharmaceutical industry. Bioinformatics politically signals an important development in the increasing computerization of "wet" biotech research, creating an abstract level where new information technologies can establish the foundation for a new research paradigm of "in silico biology."

...these two trends - the decrease in HGDP's visibility, and the rise of bioinformatics - are inextricably connected. In fact, this twofold trend is striking: on the other, a string of "population genomics" projects, the most visible being the IHSD managed by deCODE Genetics, and the government sponsored U.K. BioBank. Such projects draw our attention to the ways in which race, genomes, and economics are mediated in a complex ways by information technologies. Genomics - the technologically assisted study of the total DNA, or genome, of organisms - currently commands a significant part of the biotech industry's attention. In economic as well as scientific terms, genomics has for some years promised to become the foundation on which a future medical genetics and pharmacogenomics will be based. This chapter attempts to draw out some of the linkages between the biotech industry and the emphasis within genomics programs on diversification and the collection of particular populations genomes into computer databases. Such research programs, which highlight "genetic difference," demonstrate the extent to which culture and biology are often at odds with each other and the extent to which both ethnicity and race are compelled to accommodate the structures of informatics and information.

The Global Genome: Biotechnology, Politics, and Culture
Eugene Thacker
MIT Press 2006
ISBN-10: 0-262-20155-0

Related Archives:

How I Learned To Stop Worrying And Love The Eugenic Bomb? (Part One)

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